Over 1.2 million wild-sourced African Grey parrots (Psittacus erithacus) have reportedly been traded internationally since the 1970s, the majority of which were taken from the wild with serious implications for conservation, animal welfare, and biosecurity. While international trade has mostly been for the pet trade, in some West African countries, Grey parrots are also consumed for belief-based use. However, to date there has been little research into the scale and scope of this trade and its drivers. Here, we explore multiple facets of the trade in Grey parrots for belief-based use through interviews with five vendors at the largest “fetish” market of West Africa in Togo. We focus on understanding the purpose of medicinal and spiritual use of Grey parrots, and the socio-economic dimensions of this trade. Parrot heads were the most valuable and most frequently traded body part over the last year (2017), sold primarily for the medicinal purpose of helping to “improve memory.” Feathers were the most common transaction for spiritual use, largely purchased for “attracting clients”, “love”, and to “help with divorce”. Whole parrots and parrot heads had also been traded for spiritual use, mainly for “good luck” and “protection from witchcraft”. Our findings suggest ~900 Grey parrots were traded over the past 10 years in the market. Most vendors perceived an increase in the rarity of Grey parrot body parts over the past 5 years, which may reflect increased restrictions on international trade and/or the deteriorating state of wild populations. Although the sale of feathers collected from beneath roosting sites does not negatively impact wild populations, the relatively low value of these parts compared with other parrot derivatives and live parrots, suggests there may be minimal opportunity to leverage market mechanisms to protect wild populations through sustainable use. We identify a need for further investigations to examine the complex relationship between capture to supply the international pet market, a process in which many parrots die, and the local trade in belief-based use of derivatives.
Parrots (order Psittaciformes) have long been hunted and captured in large numbers in the wild (Beissinger, 2001). Highly desired for their intelligence, beautiful appearance, and remarkable ability to mimic (Pepperberg, 2006; Pires, 2012), thousands of wild parrots are captured and traded around the world each year (UNODC, 2016), largely destined for the exotic pet trade where they can fetch US$100's−1000's (Bush et al., 2014; Yin et al., 2020). Since the 1980s, around 12 million live parrots have been legally traded globally, two thirds of which were either captured from the wild or were of unknown origin (UNODC, 2016). Along with the detrimental impact on wild parrot populations (Martin et al., 2014; Annorbah et al., 2016; Valle et al., 2018), trade in wild parrots also has human health and biosecurity implications, including the potential spread of infectious diseases (Fogell et al., 2018) and invasive species (Cassey et al., 2004). Trapping and trading of wild parrots is also a major animal welfare concern; the mortality rate from capture to market is estimated to be as high as 40–60% for some species, such as the Grey parrot (Psittacus erithacus) (Fotso, 1998; McGowan, 2001; Clemmons, 2003).
Grey parrots are native to the lowland moist forests of tropical West and Central Africa. The IUCN recognizes two distinct allopatric species belonging to the Psittacus genus; Grey parrots (P. erithacus) and Timneh parrots (P. timneh) and we follow this taxonomy here. However, other authors recognize a continental nominotypic species comprising Psittacus e. erithacus and P. erithacus timneh (e.g., Clements et al., 2019). Timneh parrots are native to Guinea-Bissau, Guinea, Sierra Leone, Liberia, and western parts of the Ivory Coast (BirdLife International, 2020), while Grey parrots are patchily distributed from eastern Ivory Coast eastwards through the forest of central Africa to Tanzania and Kenya, and south to northern Angola; the species is considered at very low numbers or extinct for Togo and Benin (Martin et al., 2014; BirdLife International, 2020). The recent assessment of the status of the species in Togo indicates that the presence of the species in the country is doubtful, with all breeding farms agreeing that specimens exported from Togo are of Nigerian or Cameroonian origin (Segniagbeto, 2016). Of the 3.3 million African parrots reported in international trade since 1975, Grey and Timneh parrots have been among the most exploited species (Martin, 2018a). Over this period, net exports of over 1.2 million wild-sourced Grey and Timneh parrots were reported to CITES (Martin, 2018b). Population declines have been reported in multiple areas driven largely by unsustainable harvesting and habitat loss (Martin et al., 2014; Annorbah et al., 2016; Hart et al., 2016; Lopes et al., 2019; Valle et al., 2020). In some countries (such as Ghana), population declines have been in excess of 90% over the past 25 years (Annorbah et al., 2016). Due to this ongoing and rapid decline, and the facilitating role of trade, Grey parrots were listed as Endangered on the IUCN Red List of Threatened Species in 2016 (BirdLife International, 2017) and were transferred to Appendix I of CITES in 2017 ending international trade in wild-sourced specimens for commercial purposes (CITES Notification No. 2016/063), although the Democratic Republic of Congo (DRC) were reserved from this change in CITES status of the species. However, despite the reservation, the DRC remained under an existing trade suspension and no permits for exports of wild Grey parrots for commercial purposes have been issued (CITES Notification 2018/01).
While international trade of Grey parrots has mostly been for the pet trade (Bush et al., 2014), in some West African countries they are also consumed for belief-based use (e.g., Fotso, 1998; Sodeinde and Soewu, 1999; McGowan, 2001; Clemmons, 2003; Williams et al., 2014; Ajagun et al., 2017). The use and trade of animal body parts (such as feathers, head, bones, feet, scales, etc.) for belief-based use has been of cultural importance for many people across the world for millennia (Alves and Rosa, 2013). Such practices remain widespread and varied, involving a wide range of species across all taxonomic groups (e.g., Soewu, 2008; Williams et al., 2014; Svensson et al., 2015). Compared to other continents, hunting pressure on wild animals for belief-base use is thought to be more intense in Africa, especially in central (Pauwels et al., 2003), southern (Simelane and Kerley, 1998; Whiting et al., 2013), and western (Atuo et al., 2015; Ezenwa et al., 2019) African countries where the domestic consumer demand for wild animals and their derivatives is particularly thriving (e.g., Williams et al., 2014; Djagoun et al., 2018). For instance, at least 350 bird species are targeted across the African continent for belief-based use (Williams et al., 2014). Birds are often sought to bring luck, fertility, intelligence, and money (among other things) (Nikolaus, 2011). It has been suggested that belief-based healers are widely consulted in many African countries because of the low ratio of university-trained medical doctors to patients (Williams, 2007), particularly in rural areas where belief-based healers are much more accessible (Williams, 2007; Williams and Whiting, 2016).
Although some aspects of this trade might be carried out sustainably, albeit in lieu of official management plans, and provide economic opportunities for rural and urban communities, the trade of wildlife for belief-based use can put pressure on wild populations presenting challenges for biodiversity conservation (Alves and Rosa, 2013; Williams et al., 2014; Buij et al., 2016; Moorhouse et al., 2020). From capture through to sale and slaughter, this trade can also be associated with negative animal welfare impacts (Baker et al., 2013). Predictions show that Africa will be responsible for more than half of human global population growth by 2050 (United Nations, 2018). Internationally, there are also concerns about the increasing sourcing of wildlife from Africa for use in belief-based medicine in other regions of the world [e.g., African pangolins (Manidae spp.) for use in China (Ingram et al., 2018) and rhino horn for use in Vietnam (Milliken et al., 2012)]. In the decades to come, it is clear that Africa will play an increasingly important global role in shaping the scope and scale of the use of wildlife in belief-based medicine (Williams et al., 2014).
In order to develop effective strategies to mitigate the threats posed to wildlife by trade for belief-based use, it is crucial to understand the patterns and drivers associated with the utilization of species of conservation concern, such as Endangered Grey parrots (Challender et al., 2015; Martin, 2018a). However, to date, there has been little research into the nature of this trade and its potential implications. For instance, while the trade in wildlife for belief-base use in Southern Africa is thought to be significant and widespread, the socio-economic context of this trade remains poorly understood (but see Simelane and Kerley, 1998; Whiting et al., 2013; Williams and Whiting, 2016; Djagoun et al., 2018; Dossou et al., 2018). In Togo and other West African countries, studies are particularly rare (but see Fretey et al., 2007; Segniagbeto et al., 2013; D'Cruze et al., 2020).
Here we explore multiple facets of the wildlife trade for belief-based uses through interviews with vendors in the “Marché des Fétiches” (French for fetish market), situated in Lomé (the largest fetish market in West Africa), Togo. We focus on understanding the purpose of belief-based use of Grey parrots, and the socio-economical context of this trade.
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