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Conflict in Psychology

  • The Shi’a community is the largest ethno-political group in Lebanon. It has a very rich history in as far as the political mobilization and violence are concerned. The Lebanese state stated in 1920. Indeed, the ethno-political violence that has been witnessed among the Shi’a community of Lebanon offers one of the best examples of political violence in the entire Arab-Muslim region. Gurr defines ethno-political years of conflict as one in which the minority or national group makes claims against other political actors or the state. This papers shared by the best capstone project writing service discusses the ethno-political conflict that has been witnessed in the Lebanese Shi’a community over time.

    The Shi’a community has been implicated in various political violence acts. Ethno-political actions are defined by organized activities that are executed in pursuit objectives of a group. These acts of violence can be divided into three major categories which include extra-institutional protests such as protests and mass demonstrations, revolutionary insurrection and terrorism. Transition of violence in the Shi’a community from one form to another was mainly caused by successive frustrations of given categories. Initially, the conflict within the Shi’a community was largely symbolic and verbal in nature. Over time, it advanced to political violence expressly executed by armed militia groups whose attacks were even directed against the civilians.

    According to Gurr, there are two aspects that are important to put into consideration in order to understand the ethno-political conflict. First, the circumstances under which the group defines itself by use of national or ethnic criteria and the manner in which it mobilizes support as well as promotes its political interest. The second aspect in understanding ethno-political conflict entails the factors that determine the shape, persistence, as well as intensity of the group’s actions.

    Religion is one of the factors that clearly define the Shi’a community. Apart from the community, other communities in Lebanon include the Maronite Christians and the Sunni Muslims. The three communities have different religious beliefs. Although the members of Shi’a community are Muslims, they belong to a different branch of Islam from the Sunnis; they are the followers of Ali, the son-in law of the Prophet Mohammed. In addition to their historical experience, the Shi’a distinct religion from the rest of the communities within Lebanon has strengthened their ability to engage in ethno-political violence with time.

    Essentially, sociological, demographic, military, economic, legal and constitutional variables can be used to explore the birth as well as the acceleration of political violence within the community in an explicit manner. To a lager extent, the political violence committed within Shi’a community is a reactive form of violence. This is a unanimously held view; the cultural origin, theoretical approach, personal distance and political beliefs notwithstanding. While discussing the political violence in the Shi’a community, it is important to factor in the incentives that prompt the ethnopolitical actions. Such incentives include collective disadvantages and repression among others.

    In comparison to other communities, the Shi’a community has suffered from collective disadvantages normally being defined through inequalities in social derives including political access, material well being and even cultural status. The first official census in Lebanon was undertaken in 1932, but it neglected several settlements in the Shi’a regions. Thousands of members of the Shi’a community remained unregistered at independence in 1943, and this is true for some regions such as Baalbak-Hermel. Despite the fact that the 1932 census is outdated and inaccurate in approximating the population of the Shi’a community, the Government has continually upheld it. Consequently, the community has been underrepresented in the parliament, Government’s civil service, banking system, army command, as well as in private enterprise.

    The structure of the Government in Lebanon has also contributed to the rise of violence within the Shi’a community. The fragile peace in Lebanon state is sustained by a sectarian governmental structure. Within the structure, the three top public offices included the office of the President, the Prime Minister, and that of the Speaker of Parliament. The three were reserved for a Maronite Christian, Sunni Muslim and Shi’a Muslim respectively. The presidential position was the most influential office in the land. It was reserved for the Maronite Christian due to the fact that their number was higher than any other community. However, with increased birthrate among the Muslims, this cannot be true currently. The struggle by the Shi’a to have their legitimacy by being recognized in order to earn them a bigger stake in the Government has partly facilitated the involvement of the community in political violence.

    Repression of the Shi’a community is another incentive that led to eruption of violence within the community. Until 1926, France still had control over the peripheral areas of Lebanon that were occupied by the Shi’a community. The repressive acts against the community prompted resistance as well as retaliation from Shi’a. The community formed the isabat, armed bands that led revolts against the French forces. The forces also mounted vicious attacks on Christians in the neighboring villages. They viewed the Christians as secular competitors who were equally favorable to the presence of the French in the area. In addition, the sectarian structure of Government seems to allow little cultural as well as economic discrimination against the Lebanese Shi’a community, a state that has always prompted the community to push further their struggle through violence.

    Most members of the Shi’s community share common economic grievances. The community has largely embraced violence so that to ensure that it revives its past and mobilizes its members to focus on a common goal. The thought that the continued struggle will secure the Shi’a community, a better position in Lebanon has kept the team going. The group’s distinct religious beliefs have been valuable tools employed to strengthen its anti-state as well as anti-Western violence acts.