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Introduction
Guatemala is a small Central American republic with 4 million citizens, which mainly comprises indigenous Indians. From 1931 to 1944, the nation witnessed a terrorist dictatorship of General Jorge Ubico, under which peasants were driven from their lands (Andes and Young, 13). Landless rural residents were forced to work for the landlords and foreign companies. In Guatemala, there were no labor laws, trade unions were banned, and over 70% of the population was illiterate. Despite this, the region was dominated by the influence of the church on the central government. In June 1944, Guatemala was transformed. The consequence was the resignation of Jorge Ubico; however, the latter tried to maintain his regime by delegating power to his officers. In October 1944, the popular uprising broke out and overthrew the dictatorship (Andes and Young, 15). In my opinion, Catholic and Protestant churches always occupied the leading positions in the country and played a major role in the Guatemalan revolution in 1944. However, they represented one of the main allies of the revolutionaries, who fought for their rights and independence, but acted in their personal interests.
The background of the revolution in Guatemala
The resistance to right-wing and pro-imperialist forces during the years of the Cold War and desire for changes were manifested in the Guatemalan revolution in 1944. In its nature, this was a democratic revolution that was directed against imperialist dependence and dominance of the landlord-bourgeois oligarchy (Andes and Young, 23). It should be noted that during the revolution, democratization of the social system, deep agrarian reforms, social measures, and nationalization of foreign ownership were carried out. The workers, peasants, representatives of middle class, and the petty and middle bourgeoisie took part in the conflict. At the same time, the poverty of the majority of people was felt in Guatemala (Andes and Young, 3). An important role in the revolution was played by the army, which, under the leadership of Captain Jacobo Árbenz, took people's side. In addition to the illiteracy of the population, there were also big problems in the country's economy.
In 1944, a military dictatorship was overthrown in Guatemala. The new government headed by the liberal-bourgeois leader Arevalo took a course to protect the national interests and ensure the industrial development (Andes and Young, 25). In 1948, a law on the protection of the country's oil resources was introduced (the government appointed observers for the activities of foreign companies, 12.5% of the produced crude oil belongs to the state). Under the pressure of the trade unions, new labor legislation was approved. According to it, the American companies were required to guarantee an 8-hour working day, establish a minimum wage, pay for holidays, and recognize trade unions (Andes and Young, 31). In the United States of America, the politics of Arevalo (originally considered a man who "believes in the US") was called the extreme form of "radical communism" despite the fact that his government restricted the development of the “workers and peasants” movement that was persecuted the Communists.
In 1951, the revolutionary Democrat Arbenz became the president of Guatemala. The government passed the agrarian reform. According to it, more than 500,000 hectares of land were seized from large owners and distributed to 200,000 farmers, including 260,000 hectares owned by the United Fruit Company (Thorsen 75). In the course of the democratization of political life, the Communist party, the left-wing parties, and trade unions created the national-democratic front. At the same time, Guatemala began to conduct its own overseas policy. In the United States of America Arbenz's regime was called as “a communist threat to the security of the United States”. In 1954, detachments of the former counter-revolutionaries who had fled from the country and received military support from the United States invaded Guatemala (Thorsen 40). The power was passed into the hands of the military government. Despite the army's influence and changes in government, the church played an important role in the development of events in Guatemala since 1944.
Catholic and Protestant churches during the revolutionary period
The Cold War, the dominance of “anti-communism”, and the hegemony of the United States of America on the continent did not allow a small revolutionary republic to resist the combined external and internal enemies. In my opinion, an important reason for the defeat of the revolution was the fact that the transformations did not affect the army. Furthermore, some tensions between the military forces and the ordinary people were established; Thus, at the decisive moment, the army took the side of the counter-revolution (Thorsen 45). At the same time, the moderately-minded sections of the population moved away from the revolution.
I believe the role of the churches was immense in all above-mentioned events. Thorsen (18) states that the country has firmly established the Baptist, Episcopalian, Lutheran, Presbyterian churches, as well as Mormons, but the most influential are the Protestant fundamentalist evangelical groups, whose leaders mostly belong to the Indians or Ladino. In the Indian communities, ancient religious beliefs that are often combined with Christianity are still strong.
From the first days of revolution, the Catholic and Protestant churches expressed their opinion and position regarding the conflict. The spiritual leaders immediately took the side of the revolutionaries. However, both Protestant and Catholic churches planned to defend their own interests. The Catholic Church had a greater influence since more than 65% of the population of Guatemala were Catholics. It is worth noting that the total number of Protestants was about 30% (Davisson 120). Most of them belong to the poorest individuals, but gradually, Protestants appeared in the middle and upper classes; for example, Efrain Rios Montt and Jorge Serrano, two presidents of the republic, were Protestants. I also believe that the role of the churches was huge considering that Catholic missionaries were very active. Davisson argues that many of them adhered to progressive views, sharing the principles of the so-called “liberation theology”, while the Evangelists mostly tried to stay away from politics or supported conservative political groups (Davisson 120). The influence of the Protestant and Catholic churches on events that took place in the country was inevitable since there were believers in power who had close ties with the churches. Furthermore, according to Thorsen, in the 17-18 centuries, the Catholic Church became the largest public force in Latin America, even in Guatemala (Thorsen 18). It was obvious during the years of revolution in the country. The spiritual power that was based on an extensive network of parishes, monasteries, and missions was backed by financial resources and influenced the general ideology of the revolution. Due to its impact on society, Catholicism remained a huge force that pushed secular authorities to agree with it sooner or later. Furthermore, there was an opinion that the revolutionaries in 1944-1951 organized mass bloody repressions with the aim at actually destroying religion; however, the Catholic Church held out and achieved a compromise with the state (Thorsen 8). Until the 1960s, Guatemala remained an unshakable stronghold of Catholicism, which, as a rule, acted as an ally of local right-wing dictatorships and oligarchies (Thorsen, 8). Both Protestant and Catholic churches encouraged the revolutionaries to go and express their dissatisfaction with the government. Pastors of churches sponsored several demonstrations with both food and weapons. However, after the riots, the revolutionaries usually found themselves in prisons, and after some people died during the events, the church did not bear this responsibility and denied its participation in these rallies.
Despite the existence of Protestant and Catholic churches in Guatemala, the Catholic Church had a greater influence and leadership. The holy institution is the largest landowner in Latin America, including Guatemala. Thus, in my opinion, the law on agrarian reform caused indignation among Catholic pastors. It explains why the propaganda of the social doctrine of Catholicism in Guatemala was increased (Davisson 121). I believe that the church tried to defend its own interests, but in this case, the enemy opposed the communist regime. According to Thorsen, as the revolution develops, two camps in the country are becoming more and more clearly delineated, and each resident of the country gets an alternative: be with the homeland or with the foreign enslavers of the homeland; be with the revolution or with American imperialism (Thorsen 6). The pastors of the church made their choice, as they were on the side of the revolution. It is evident from the growing attempts to use the Catholic Church and various Catholic organizations against the revolution. The anti-revolutionist propaganda stated that the church defended its own interests and did not recognize the communist regime of the government.
Furthermore, the attitude of the Catholic and Protestant churches in Guatemala to the popular revolution represents their hostility to the national liberation movement. Thorsen states that the collapse of the system of colonial slavery under the onslaught of the national liberation movement is the second most significant phenomenon after the formation of the world socialist system (Thorsen 16). The government authority is trying to maintain its positions in countries that have gained national independence. Such individuals pay attention to the ideological treatment of peoples of Africa and Asia by using the power of the Catholic Church and its wide network of missionaries. The church stood on the side of the revolutionaries, helping them in the struggle against the liberation movement.
In my opinion, the Protestant and Catholic churches tried to maintain their leading positions in the country. Any church always strives for power, especially in politics. In 1944, the church acted as a middle ground between the government and the revolutionaries, demanding freedom and independence for people (Andes and Young, 23). All believers have the opportunity to attend church and perform religious rites. However, the leaders of the Catholic and Protestant churches did not want to limit their activities to religious services, as they asked for more. Catholic pastors wanted to affect the politics, dictate to the government their will, or rather the will of the imperialists (Davisson 120). Under the pretext of fighting communism, church ministers of the Protestant and Catholic churches tried to introduce the old order to the people, thus restoring the dominance of American monopolies.
In Guatemala, everything was formed around the church. Andes and Young (31) argue that historically, the entire ideology of Guatemala was built on Catholic statutes. In order to show the country and the whole world that such a small but very promising nation wanted to improve the life of the population and change for a better existence, a revolution was needed. To support and encourage the revolutionaries, it was necessary to have an ally (Thorsen 18). Such allies were the Catholic and Protestant churches. Since the influence of the churches spread throughout the country, the revolutionaries saw the church as a leading and influential supporter. It was spiritual and authoritative aid that played a role in the development of the revolution as a whole. Church and power are two inseparable subjects in both external and internal politics. Thus, all political situations cannot happen without the participation of the church. No exception was the relationship between the Catholic and Protestant churches throughout the revolution in Guatemala in 1944.
Conclusion
In the 20th century, Guatemala was one of many countries where the revolutionary struggle between the state and the population was conducted. Revolutionaries aspired to change social and economic policies in favor of the poor stratum of the population. One of the main allies who were on the protesters' side was the church. At the same time, the Protestant and Catholic churches opposed the dictatorial regime, which was spread throughout the country. In my opinion, in a country where there were many religious people, it was impossible for the church to not have influence on them. Thus, during the revolutionary periods, it was important for protesters to get the support of the church. It was happened in Guatemala. However, despite this, the Catholic and Protestant churches defended the rights of the revolutionaries and their own agendas.
